A very interesting
article by Foreign Affairs, titled “An Unworthy Ally: Time for Washington to Cut Pakistan Loose”, August 2015, about the
relationship between the US
and Pakistan .
In the 20th Century Pakistan
was fighting the Soviets together with the Arabs of the Persian
Gulf and the Americans. Pakistan
was also fighting India
together with China .
During the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan
in 1979, the Americans, the Chinese, the Arabs of the Gulf and the Pakistanis
were supporting the islamists of Afghanistan
against the communists of Afghanistan ,
who were supported by India
and the Soviets.
During the
20th Century the American and the Pakistani interests were almost
perfectly aligned. But things have changed. China
is promoting the 45 billion dollar China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), in
order to receive raw materials from Africa, and in order to export her products
avoiding the South China Sea . China is facing many enemies at the South China Sea due to her desire to completely dominate
this sea, by militarizing the small uninhabited islands which are located in
the other countries’ exclusive economic zones. China
is also developing the Kenyan port of Lamu , in order to ship to China
the raw materials of Africa, and in order to ship to Africa
the Chinese products.
You can see
on the map that by using the China Pakistan Economic Corridors, China can save
billions of dollars in transport costs, and at the same time increase the
security of her exports and imports by avoiding the dangerous straits of the
South China Sea, and also encircle India by creating a naval base at the
Pakistani port of Gwadar, which is also developed by China. Gwadar will also
give China a naval base near
the Persian Gulf . Moreover Iran and China
will use the China Pakistan Economic Corridor in order to send to China the oil and natural gas of Iran , which means transit fees and investments
for Pakistan ,
and an enhanced energy security for the country. Therefore it seems that Pakistan has more to expect from China than from the US .
It is true
that the US is counting on Pakistan to use its great influence in order to
promote stability in Afghanistan ,
so that the oil and natural gas of Kazakhstan
and Turkemenistan can reach India
and the Indian Ocean . This is a project very desirable
by Pakistan too, because the
oil and natural gas of the Middle East and of Central Asia will pass from Pakistan , making Pakistan an energy hub. The problem
is that Pakistan is India ’s number one enemy, together with China of course, and the Americans have to
distance themselves from Pakistan
if they want to compete with Russia
for India ’s
friendship.
Trying to maintain
a balance between Pakistan
and India
can be very tough for the Americans, and it can hurt the new American-Indian
friendship. India cannot
count on Russia for help
when she is facing China ,
because Russia and China are allies, but India
can count on USA .
The problem is Pakistan .
The important factor that determines the US
strategy is that India is
for China a natural
competitor, while Pakistan
is for China
a natural ally. India has an
annual GDP of 2 trillion dollars, and she wants to be an independent power,
while Pakistan has a GDP of
only 250 billion dollar, and it desperately needs China .
Everything
seems to imply that the USA
should move away from Pakistan
and closer to India .
India is accusing Pakistan of plotting terrorist attacks in India . As you
can read at the following Guardian article, titled “Suspected mastermind of
Mumbai terror attack released from Pakistan jail”, April 2015, the man
suspected of masterminding the terrorist attack of Mumbai in 2008 was released
from the Pakistan prison that he was held, something that greatly upset India.
The US has been traditionally providing Pakistan with military aid, and given the
relations between Pakistan
and India
this can be a great problem for the Indo-American relations. It seems that if
the US wants to “steal” India from Russia ,
it will have to let Pakistan
loose. And that’s what the Foreign Affairs article is about. In the first
paragraph the article says that the US
has provided Pakistan with
more than 30 billion dollars assistance since 2002, in order to help Pakistan enforce peace in Afghanistan .
The article means that the US
is helping Pakistan in order
to promote peace in Afghanistan ,
so that the TAPI pipeline can be constructed
(Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India). A very difficult task given that the
Arabs and the Iranians are united in blocking the pipeline at Afghanistan .
In the 10th
paragraph the article says that it is very unfair to accuse the United States for the Islamic jihad in Pakistan , given that the Pakistani officials
were using islamist militants a long time before their cooperation with the US against the
Soviets in 1979. In the 18th paragraph the article says that the
geopolitical landscape today is very different from the one of the Cold War,
when the US was pretending
that it was not seeing the Pakistani misdeeds, because the US needed Pakistan in order to confront the
Soviets. In the 19th paragraph the article says that it is not very
realistic to expect Pakistan
to change methods, and it is now feasible for the US
to achieve its geopolitical goals without having to tolerate Pakistan . The
article means that the Pakistanis will not stop their terrorist attacks against
India , which will be a
problem between the US and India as long as the US
provides military assistance to Pakistan .
In the 20th
paragraph the article says that it is better for the US
to start treating Pakistan as
an enemy rather than as an ally, but at the same time the US should try to maintain diplomatic relations
with Pakistan .
The article also says that the US
should keep providing assistance to Pakistan , but not military
assistance. In the 21st paragraph the article says that the US should stop providing Pakistan with arms which can be used by Pakistan against India .
Give that
the Foreign Affairs is one of the oldest and most respected geopolitical
magazines of the US ,
the above opinion should not be taken lightly. Moreover it should not be
forgotten that in 2011 two NATO helicopters which operated in Afghanistan
attacked the Pakistani borders and killed 24 Pakistani soldiers, as you can
read at the following BBC article, titled “Pakistan outrage after 'Nato attack
kills soldiers'”, November 2011. As a result Pakistan
closed the Pakistani routes used by NATO to provide supplies to its Afghanistan
soldiers. This could not be an accident.
Finally I want
to mention an LSE article, titled “India’s quiet
acceptance of the annexation of Crimea reflects its vision for a multi-polar
world order”, January 2015, which says about India ’s discrete support to Russia over the
Ukrainian crisis. The article mentions that Russia
and India are traditional
allies and that India buys
most of its armaments from Russia ,
while at the same time Russia
is helping India
with her nuclear reactors. Therefore one can assume that there is a lot competition
for the US when it comes to India . But if
the US distances itself from
Pakistan , India and the US
might have more in common than India
and Russia
have. And basically that’s what the Foreign Affairs article is about.
For the
Foreign Affairs article see
“An
Unworthy Ally:Time for Washington to Cut Pakistan Loose”,
August 2015
1st
Paragraph
Ever since 9/11, the
United States has provided Pakistan
with a steady supply of security and nonsecurity assistance. U.S. officials have justified these generous
transfers—worth more than $30 billion since 2002—on the grounds that they
secure Pakistan ’s ongoing
cooperation in Afghanistan ,
bolster Pakistan ’s ability
to fight terrorism, and give the U.S. government influence over the
country’s ever-expanding nuclear weapons program. Failing to deliver this
support, the argument runs, could dramatically weaken the will and capacity of
Pakistan’s security forces and possibly even lead to the collapse of the
Pakistani state. In that event, Pakistan ’s
nuclear know-how, material, or weapons could well fall into the hands of
nefarious actors.
10th
Paragraph
As for the claim
that Islamabad was drawn into Washington ’s Afghan jihad, the chronology
suggests otherwise. Seeking leverage against the government in Kabul ,
Pakistan had been supporting
Islamist militants in Afghanistan
at its own expense since 1974—five years before Soviet troops crossed into the
country. In other words, Pakistan
brought the United States ,
and its wallet, into a campaign it had been pursuing on its own for years.
18th,
19th, 20th and 21st Paragraph
The strategic
demands of today’s South Asia are distinct
from those of the Cold War era, but the central dynamic of U.S.-Pakistani
relations remains constant. The United States
turns a blind eye to Pakistan ’s
misdeeds because it depends on the country’s leaders to counter U.S. enemies in the region—first the Soviets,
now the mélange of militant groups active in Afghanistan
and Pakistan .
As a result, the United States
has subsidized both the expansion of Pakistan ’s nuclear arsenal and its
stable of Islamist terrorists through programs ostensibly created to manage
those same concerns.
Past attempts to
induce Pakistan
to change its behavior have largely failed, and there is little reason to
believe that a change in course is imminent. Indeed, what little convergence of
interests existed between Washington and Islamabad during the Cold
War has long since disappeared. After six decades of policy predicated on
Pakistani blackmail, it should be possible to achieve U.S. interests with a different
approach.
A strategy of
containment is the United
States ’ best option. Above all, U.S. relations with Pakistan
should be premised on the understanding that Pakistan is a hostile state, rather
than an ally or a partner. To be sure, accepting that reality does not mean
abandoning Pakistan
altogether. The United States
should maintain its diplomatic relations with Pakistan ,
and it should address a long-standing Pakistani complaint by providing
Pakistani products greater access to American markets, signaling that Washington takes Islamabad ’s
legitimate concerns seriously enough to risk the ire of domestic business interests.
It should also continue training Pakistanis in critical capacities such as
peacekeeping, disaster relief, and civil-military relations through the U.S.
government’s International Military Education and Training program. And it
should continue to provide Pakistan
with modest assistance in such areas as basic health care, gender equality, and
primary and occupational education. Yet it must delink that help from the
failed counterterrorism programs with which many such human development
programs are currently bundled. And above all, Washington
must end its support for the country’s turgid military establishment, which
sustains a perverse strategic culture that has ill served Pakistani and U.S.
interests for decades.
To that end, the United States should stop supplying Pakistan with strategic weapons systems, and it
should prevent Pakistan
from replacing and repairing those pieces of equipment that it has already
received. The provision of U.S.
weapons cannot reshape Pakistan ’s
will to maintain its militant proxies, but those weapons do equip Pakistan to challenge India . Indeed, the vast majority of
the weapons systems provided to Pakistan
since 2001 are better suited for a conventional conflict with its neighbor than
for internal security operations. These transfers undermine U.S. efforts to cultivate a relationship with India , an important democratic partner on a
range of crucial issues, from securing regional sea-lanes to managing China ’s rise.
For the BBC
article see
“Pakistan
outrage after 'Nato attack kills soldiers'”, November 2011
1st
Paragraph
Pakistani officials
have responded with fury to an apparent attack by Nato helicopters on a border
checkpoint they say killed at least 24 soldiers.
9th
Paragraph
Within hours of the
alleged attack it was reported Pakistan
had closed the border crossing for supplies bound for Nato forces in Afghanistan
- a move which has been used in the past as a protest.
For the LSE
article see
“India’s quiet
acceptance of the annexation of Crimea reflects its vision for a multi-polar
world order”, January 2015
2nd
Paragraph
4th,
5th and 6th Paragraph
Aside from Indian
foreign policy values, part of the unwillingness to promote democracy
internationally could be that it would open up the black box of past Indian
interventions on the subcontinent, such as in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh),
Sri Lanka, and the Maldives. In addition, actively supporting democracy and
enhanced democratisation processes on the international stage could lead to a
too critical reflection and a consequential debate of the value of democracy at
home: India
still suffers from high levels of political corruption, lack of genuine and
effective poverty relief programmes, and a persistent caste system that can
inhibit social mobility. Therefore, the dearth of democracy promotion efforts
and rhetoric could be seen as a tool to protect India ’s
own perceptions of inherent greatness and maintain external views that India
is an emerging power.
On
11th December 2014, Putin arrived in New
Delhi . As a result of this brief summit, India will build ten
new nuclear reactors with the help of Russia and the two states will work on
jointly-manufacturing a fifth generation fighter aircraft. However, Putin did
not come alone. Also on Putin’s flight was Sergey Aksyonov, the leader of Crimea, who
proceeded to his own meeting to sign a memorandum with the Indian-Crimean Partnership
in an effort to increase Indian trade with the Black Sea
Region. This annual summit and the presence of Aksyonov highlights the
importance of Russia as one of the pieces of India’s ideal international
relations that is based on a multi-polar reality rather than utopian visions of
democracy promotion.
For the
Guardian article see
“Suspected
mastermind of Mumbai terror attack released from Pakistan jail”, April 2015
http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/apr/10/mumbai-attacks-suspected-mastermind-freed-bail-pakistan